Hosni Mubarak has resigned, and the streets of Cairo are alight. The transition was far from linear, however.
The political shuffle leading to his resignation was an arduous one, as Mubarak was one of the most stubborn leaders in the Middle East. His legacy of stability in the strictest sense will remain for decades. And with this in mind, one can be assured Mubarak has cards up his sleeve.
Egypt’s government is undergoing the political equivalent of a slash-and-burn crop renewal, and Mubarak has planted his seeds in the rubble of the revolution.
Mubarak announced to a furious public Thursday he had no intentions of leaving power. He said he would cede some of it, but he would not leave. The day leading up to the announcement was spent in widespread celebration, the protestors confident their wishes would be granted.
The following night was spent rallying activists to stage the largest protest to date the next day.
The military even promised the people the day had finally come,  and freedom would soon follow. When Mubarak clung to power as he had sworn he would, the military had its own statement to make: It was going to take control of the government. It was then that Mubarak left, ceding power not to his hand-picked vice president Omar Suleiman, but to a military council.
These progressions, while the most monumental thus far, have left the Arab world on edge. Who is actually in charge? What will become of Egypt’s diplomacy, the keystone of peace in the region? What about the Egypt-Israel Peace Treaty?
The remaining members of the government have been asked to work toward regaining normalcy — namely economically, as the Egyptian economy has stagnated because of the flight of tourists, who are key business-makers there. The most important figure remaining is Suleiman, who, though selected by Mubarak himself, is just progressive enough to be supported as a successor to power by multiple Arab nations.
Above him, though, are the members of the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces, who have promised a smooth transition to democracy. The first steps taken by the council were to secure peace with Israel and dissolve the Egyptian parliament, leaving Field Marshal Mohamed Hussein Tantawi in command.
Tantawi, like most men of power in Egypt, is a long-time Mubarak loyalist. He was often referred to as Mubarak’s poodle and was described in a leaked cable as having “opposed both economic and political reform.”
Some analysts believe Tantawi, with the army behind him, deviously switched sides to support the protestors rather than a rapidly deflating dictatorship — and I’m inclined to agree.
Like Suleiman, he seems to be another remnant left to ensure the safety of important concurrent legislation, such as peace with Israel — which the military announced will stay intact.
The retention of such men in office secures the former leader’s persistent influence, but one should not necessarily see it as a bad thing.
I would have supported Mubarak remaining in power until the September elections purely for stability’s sake, and uncertainty is what the country seems to be left with.
The cradle of civilization is wary, as it should be. Even the protestors, after being granted their greatest demand, are not sure whether the rallies should continue. Sure, the military promised a smooth transition, but the promise could have been an empty one made in case Mubarak actually did step down.
I cannot imagine any other circumstances in which a man as stubborn as Mubarak would have done so. Not without insurance.
This is why the victory of Mubarak’s ouster is, as of now, a hollow one. Egypt has a long way to go, but the apprehensiveness to rapid change is founded.
Clayton Crockett is a 19-year-old international studies and mass communication freshman from Lafayette. Follow him on Twitter @TDR_ccrockett.
 
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